Thursday, February 17, 2011

Reading for Tuesday 2/22.

I've sent the reading and posted it on Blackboard:

Wade, Peter. “Black Music and Cultural Syncretism in Colombia.” Beyond Slavery: The Multilayered Legacy of Africans in Latin America and the Caribbean, ed. Daren J. Davis (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, [1995] 2007), 121-146

You might want to refer to posts from last Thursday on Colombian music or the article in The New Grove Encylopedia of Music, if necessary.

The question: What makes black Colombian musics black in Wade's account?

46 comments:

  1. Rebecca Centanni

    In his article, Wade discusses the complexity in defining “black” music in Colombia, as it is difficult to analyze the origins of specific elements in the music since Hispanicized nations are not easily broken down into African vs. European. He concludes that music can best be studied (and thus defined as black) not by looking for Africanisms, but by looking at the actual cultural practices and contexts of the pieces, searching for underlying continuities in style.

    Wade presents the reader with three overarching theories about the history of development of black Colombian music that, when combined, can help to categorize a Colombian music as black. The first theory is that black musics establish a sense of independence, mirroring the cultural independence established by blacks in Colombia. This idea can be seen in the example of Medellín, a home for many migrants from Chocó. These blacks form an identity as a minority through vallenato music. The author notes that Antioqueños will immediately leave if they enter a bar with such music; the sense of black identity is so strong that they recognize they do not belong. The second theory is that black music is created using previously creolized tools. Again, the author makes the point that black music is more about contextual usage rather than distinct Africanisms that can be clearly traced back to Africa. He talks about black adoption of white dances (such as contradanza), but the fact that they all have an element to differentiate them from their European counterparts, whether a physical or emotional one. Finally, Wade explains that an integral part of black music is the white response to it, and the labeling of the music as inferior. Whites have always tried to assert superiority over blacks, and thus the race relations that characterize their practical usages have shaped the identity of black musics very strongly. Many Colombian blacks lived in an atmosphere of racial tension, and their music must be observed within that context.

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  2. Wade believes that what is classified as black music is not dependent on Africanisms. Instead, black music is a product of black history. It is the music that they associate most closely with their identity as black group and of their separateness. For example, black music in Colombia has been syncretized, influenced heavily by Indian and European culture, but has remained identified with the blacks. An important theme of black music is that it is a symbol of black culture that nonblacks often deem as inferior and alien, reflecting their fear of loss of culture authority. Most black music is based on the drum and the call-response pattern of african cultures, but this is not a characteristic of black music, merely a continuity that should be assessed through its political/social history.

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  3. Vanessa Rendon
    Black Musics in Latin America
    2/22/11

    According to Peter Wade, “black culture is defined by the processes of interaction between people making claims and ascriptions of “racial” identity.” This statement implies that although some people may have African blood in their veins, they have the freedom to choose an identity such as “indio negro” or “mestizo” that fits their sense of self and comfort in the world. Because of these “claims” of black culture, black music has been characterized by certain types of behaviors that are deemed “black” or “nonblack.” In Colombia, blacks have had a tremendous impact on popular musical styles, such as “cumbia” and “vallenatos.” Continuities exist between music in the Pacific Coastal region and West African music that have been born from power relations and a state of negotiation between the white and black races. The stereotypical perspective of black music as primitive, erotic, and attractive has remained an essential feature of black Colombian musics, including the currulao, mapalé, vallenato, and tambora. Specifically, black tradition is preserved in its purest sense in tambora, which involves a lineup of drums, tablitas, and call-and-response, which dates back to 18th century descriptions of costeño dancing. Even though black created numerous types of music of their own, they also adopted European musics, such as contradanza, into their lives and added a tinge of African touch to them, “an unwritten something which picks you up.” Black Colombian musics are black in Wade’s opinion because they are basically a product of musical independence, cultural syncretism, and discrimination that characterize African music in the European frame of mind.

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  4. Elizabeth Humphrey
    Black Musics in Latin America
    Professor Birenbaum Quintero


    In the Wade article, he discussed that black Colombian music was black if an emic analysis was used. Emic analysis is the analytic approach to making sense of culture in its own right (Wade 123). This meant that it was easier to acknowledge that the black music in Colombia was a fusion of sorts that had derivatives of European and African heritage. Even though the European roots predominated over the traceable African roots, the identity was still retained as being “black music” because of where the music was thought to have been derived from (Wade 125). Although the culture is highly Hispanicized and the music that is mostly played has more of a cultural hybrid feel to it, Colombian music still has that sense of musical independence that can only be traced back to African roots (Wade 127). Wade also makes it clear that the black music in Colombia does not necessarily depend on its African foundations. It is created by people that are deemed in society as being inferior but also taken up by the majority because of its appeal.

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  5. Ben Hill-Lam

    In Wade’s account, black music is not some reified form, but it is contextually defined for different areas. He goes on to agree that there are certain African features and commonalities shared by “black music” in Columbia, but black culture is in a “constant state of negotiation” as blacks continue to establish and redefine their culture and music based on the current situation. Black music can bee seen as a continuing process that is constantly undergoing change and redefinition. While this makes it very hard to “define” black music, Wade states that there are three themes that are indicative of black music. The first theme is that black music is always established as a way to define black culture and black people as separate and unique compared to the majority and the majority’s culture. The second theme indicative to black music is that they construct their musical tradition with distinctive elements that may already be the result of hybridization and creolization in addition to their own traditionally defined “African” musical traits. Finally, black music is characterized by being looked down upon as crude and inferior by the majority culture, the sometimes being reabsorbed by popular no black culture for seeming different and exotic. Wade also talks about how black music is often the result of the creolization of another culture’s traditions. He gives the example of the Adoration of the Child, which current black residents say is a black, pagan tradition form Africa, but is in reality a creolized version of a Spanish Catholic holiday, which melded with the practices and music from cabildos. Here we see that “defining” black music is a much grayer area, as this “black music” is the result of centuries of interaction and fusion of elements, and it is not so easy to say at what point the music is “black”. Today the music at the festival retains specific African characteristics marking it as “black music” but the term is still unclear as the music itself is not African in origin, though many current blacks in Columbia may think so, but it retains so many African features that the music should not be termed European either. Black music in Columbia is a complex and ongoing process by which black Columbians continue to define and establish their identity with respect to nonblack popular culture. In order to evaulate the process we cannot resort to looking for reified “black” music, but must understand both the historical context and the interactions in which their musical tradition was first formed.

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  6. Wade states, “thus what constitutes black culture, despite the heterogeneity of its origins, often owes something to Africa.” This seems to be an obvious answer, as black culture comes from Africa. Later on, however, he states that blackness comes from “possible meanings derived from previous interactions.” Thus, what we consider black may just be old European views of black culture, which often associated blackness with a pejorative context. He claims that black culture in Columbia is highly Hispanicized. Thus, it would seem that black culture is really not black culture at all, but rather just Hispanic culture. He later says that blackness is contextual—it depends on where it shows up. There is no constant definition of what black music is. Perhaps it is too complex to accurately or sufficiently define.

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  7. Peter Wade begins his article on black musics in Colombia by highlighting the fact that although certain Africanisms are important in understanding black culture, it is more important to look at the conceptions of the current culture by those who practice it. Those who practice black culture do not necessarily see it as a sort of retention of their African history, but rather as an expression of racial identity within their own cultural context. Wade also notes that continuities of black music/culture are derived from both a context of power relations and a context of black tradition. Using the parallel of musics in Medellín, he discusses three characteristic themes of black musics in Colombia. The first is that black musics establish a musical independence. In one sense, music allows blacks to express their identity as a group. But in another sense, it allows them to express an identity on a more individual level. The second characteristic is that, as stated before, what is classified as black music is not dependent on Africanisms, despite the fact that there are many continuities of style throughout Afro-Colombian music. Finally, he notes that African music is looked down upon as inferior, crude, sensual, etc. by nonblacks. This parallels a long history of relationships between blacks and nonblacks throughout Colombia.

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  8. “Black culture is contextually defined’
    Wade makes clear how important it is to “notice that ‘black culture,’ and its representation for political purposes, do not depend on ideas about Africanisms, just as it is important to see that modern resistance by blacks to grossly uneven development and cultural discrimination does not rest solely upon a simplified idea of heroic black resistance, however much of the real historical instances of black heroism can act as a banner for political mobilization.” Wade argues that the study of black culture and black community in Colombia seem to be best suited to an emic analysis (attempting to make sense of culture in its own right).
    Wade concludes that black identities in music are cultural processes with a long history in in Colombia, which has their own dynamic. When analyzing the interactive processes on its own or to unearth the genealogy of the cultural elements it is necessary to examine the historical interaction of both these aspects together. This is because syncretism and black culture are twofold. Wade states that ”academics as well as official spokespeople engaged in the representation of national culture and identity make recourse in the representation of national culture and identity making recourse to notions of “syncretism” as the reality underlying “Colombianness” (140) The cultural content is significant to black culture and that there are important continuities over time within black culture, despite its ambiguous boundaries and its change-ability. “Black culture,” is defined as the actual cultural elements and define it as well as the context in which they appear and from which they derive their meaning.
    In Colombia, “Indians” are favored over “blacks” as the objects of the state’s discourse of pluralism. This means that the objectification of ethnic traditions frequently make recourse to simplistic attributions of “Africanness” to Colombian black culture, seeing the persistence of Africanisms as a symbol of the generic quality of resistance. It is also important to note that black culture and black music and dance have been looked at as primitive, but also as physical, sensuous, erotic, and lascivious.
    It is evident that Columbian music reflect cultural politics and both the continuity and change, and that Black Columbians feed at various sources: African, Indigenous, and European. “What Colombians refer to as “Black” has evolved over time, although they label Black music, or what is seen as such, “primitive,” they nevertheless find it exciting in a context of hybridization under the ideology of blanqueamiento.. ( www.Onlinelibrary.com ) Wade states, that black culture is defined in processes of interaction between people making claims and ascriptions of “racial” identity. (p.124)

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  9. Wade’s first objective becomes evident within the first page: The study and analysis of black culture and communities in Colombia deserves the emic approach. That is to say, scholars (including Wade) shouldn’t attempt to discover an “objective genealogy” of black Colombian culture (etic). Instead we should look at how such cultural elements play out in everyday Colombian life, and make sense of black Colombian culture by analyzing how “such elements are used to convey meaning” in social contexts (123). The first thing to look at is continuity in black/Latin American culture because continuities in meaning are related to certain “principles” of West African culture, and there is good evidence, Wade continues to explain, “to assert some continuity between West African music and music practiced by blacks in certain areas of Colombia” (124). One thing that can guide us in figuring out what exactly makes black Colombian musics black then is the presence of such important continuities and how they have formed within cultural contexts of Colombia (124). Although the black culture in Latin countries, like Colombia, is highly Hispanicized, the black populations have “molded their own cultural forms out of Hispanic cultural traditions” (126). Thus, black culture in Latin America is inherently creolized, or syncretic. But where is ‘blackness’ this evident? Wade points to a few accounts:

    Wade first points to style continuity (and perhaps even form and content continuity) between West African music and that of the Pacific Coastal region of South America. “What constitutes black culture,” he says, “…owes something to Africa” (125). Take the distinct association between musical and religious practices for example. There is quite a musical spectrum in Colombia ranging from neo-African styles to mostly European; however, when strictly looking at neo-African Colombian culture, the presence of “blackness” is dominantly associated with African-derived religious complexes (127). Other contexts in which there is notable black musical presence include diversion and labor (127). More black continuity can also be seen in the principal rhythms and dance genres associated with black musics in the Pacific Coastal region, for example the currulao, also known as the “slave dance” (128). Black music in Colombia is black because of this evidence of West-African roots but also because of the fact that “blacks laid the basis for a series of musical and dance forms” in the coastal regions of Colombia, such as the mapalé, and bullerengue (131). In the Atlantic coast region especially, Wade states that blacks established their own kind of music very early on (131). Blackness is also evident in the fiestas de negros where fundamental features of black music can be found: dancing in sacred ceremonies, rhythmic structure, and interaction between soloist and the chorus in religious songs (131).

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  10. Rodolfo Edeza

    Black culture in Colombia retains its identity as a Black culture not because of its origins, but because of where it comes from and what they think it is, conceptions are strongly influenced by the identity of those who practice it. Black culture is defined in processes of interaction between people making claims and ascriptions of “racial” identity. Wade describes three themes as characteristics of black music in Colombia. The first theme is that black music always establishes a unique and separate identity. The second is that the construct of their music consists of elements that are a result of cultural syncretism. The third theme is the reaction of the nonblack culture that looks at black music as inferior, crude, and noisy. In Colombia Blacks have had a big impact on popular musical styles like Vallenato and Cumbia. There is a continuum between the Pacific coast region and West Africa where the black tradition is retained. Colombian music styles like the currulao, cumbia, bellenguere are essentially black dances perceived by nonblacks as erotic. The black tradition present in Colombia expanded through the youth who adopted genres like salsa, and vallenato in the city. In order to understand black tradition in Colombia we must look at an atmosphere of persecution, attraction, and syncretism and the relationship between blacks and nonblacks in Colombia.

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  11. In Wade's account he attributes the "blackness" of Columbian music to many different things. One of the factors that he speaks about a great deal are the infusions of specifically black, often African, style or feel, in Columbian musics (Wade, 128) He then goes on to talk about how the slaves in Columbia brought over different traditions which were directly from Africa which then fused with one another to create a unique form of rhythm and dance. He also talks about how blacks laid the basis for a series of musical and dance forms which, then received influences of Indian and Europeans. (Wade, 131) With this information in mind it is evident that although Columbian music is now a fusion of many cultures the basis is African, which makes contributes to the "blackness." Wade also gives a more in depth account of how the blacks infiltrated white music. He states "white music in the drawing rooms, the churches, and the theaters; but he infiltrates into this African elements; dance music, above all would have its African imprint." (Wade, 134) Finally Wade comments on the fact that classic instances of black inspired tradition have been whitened over time and have almost all but lost their black roots. His main example of this relates to música caliente or hot music that has now spread its influence all of the world and is so popular that many people refuse to accept its black roots. In this way Columbian music proves its blackness is in the roots and it has since been overshadowed but the blackness still remains if looked for.

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  12. Sarah Nelson

    In this article Wade takes a new approach to searching for black influence in Columbian music and attacks the question through ”emic” analysis, which defines a culture through social context and places emphasis on the self-perceived identity of the people that are being studied rather than focusing on economic or political factors. Much of Wade’s article is focused around the idea that power relations played an important role in the development of black music in Columbia. As we’ve already seen, the church and colonizers consistently saw black music and dance as immoral and inferior, and, for this reason, acceptance of black music began in the lower classes and then gradually worked its way up to the upper class. This acceptance of black music was a kind of internal struggle for the upper class population in Columbia who viewed the music and accompanying dance as sexual and immoral, but at the same time was very attracted to it. Wade highlights this in his discussion of “musica tropical/caliente”, which is based off of traditional black rhythms that have, over time, been embraced by the white population. Wade notes that this evolution causes it to lose its label as exclusively black, but it has always maintained its ‘hot’ qualities that both attracted and shocked the upper class populations in Columbia initially. Black music in Columbia has been quintessential in bringing vitality and “heat” to traditional Spanish music, giving it many of the qualities that we associate as emblematic Spanish musical techniques today.

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  13. Wade argues that Colombian musics are black in that individual actors identified certain musical elements as black, whether these were actually of African origin or were believed to be black because of their cultural context. He argues that people make assumptions about where certain parts of music and practices come from because of cultural constructions and ideas that surround these. For example, the style of African music has retained certain elements that distinguish it as African, despite the fact that the "form and content" of the music are distinctly European. Although it is clear that this music is syncretic, still it can be called African. Also the role that black music and culture occupy in Colombian society serves to make black Colombian music black. This music was deemed marginal because of its "hotness" and "crudeness," just as blacks were marginalized in Colombian society. However, at the same time that this music was thought to be taboo, many Colombians were also attracted to this, thus making black music more and more popular. It is this very role of music (the same role that blacks occupy in society) that distinguishes it from other musical forms.

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  14. Laura Connolly
    In Wade’s article, black music is not defined by a simple interaction of ethnicities, but it is the result of a long history of being black. There are similarities found in black music; however, due to the constantly changing contexts in which blackness evolves, black music is also changing. It is also crucial to define how one is looking at black music. Whether you are looking at it with an emic or etic approach will change how you are able to define black music.
    Wade finds three themes that are characteristic of black music in Colombia which are that blacks establish a musical independence that is a symbol of their identity as a black group and their separateness, second that they do this using elements that come from a variety of sources that are already a product of cultural syncretism and do not come necessarily from their own tradition, and third that they create music that is often looked down upon (127). While black music may not be defined by particular components, it is what makes these components that make it black music. A factor that has been key in defining black music is the response of the dominant white culture to the forms of black music. Blacks have typically been judged as being subordinate to the white cultures that are often suppressing them. Wade does bring up the point that although black culture is contextually defined, that does not exclude that there are patterns in the historical continuity. Because black music is looked down upon, that has created a separate genre of music that is not necessarily dependent on their traditions. Music that is defined as black is a result of ethnic interactions throughout a long history.

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  15. Wade believes that instead of basing our understanding of black music in Colombia on Africanisms, we must consider black history and the difference between "black" and "non black". Wade writes "black culture is not an arbitrary system of signs...cultural content is significant and that there are important continuities over time within black culture". That is to say that, especially with reference to music, there have been important cultural practices that have been passed down through the generations and throughout history that contribute to the blackness of music. Though Wade establishes that black culture has "ambiguous boundaries" and is changeable, there are specific components of black music that have been passed on.

    Wade also explains, though, that "black culture in Colombia often has clear European roots, in many cases predominating over traceable heritage; yet it may retain its identity as black culture not because of its origins as revealed in historical analysis but because of where actors think it comes from". Colombian music was influenced by both African and European forces but, Wade is suggesting, regardless of the roots, Colombian music is judged to be black or nonblack more on the basis of who is practicing it. Therefore, though many European styles were brought to Colombia,they were practiced mainly by blacks there, an therefore became black music. This is based on "racial identity" which plays a role in the ascribing of certain musical qualities and the distinction between black and nonblack music. This exemplifies the relationship that music has had with history.

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  16. In Wade's account "black" music in Colombia is considered such for several reasons including a particular style that exhibits African influences in addition to European influences. Most importantly Wade describes three themes in black Colombian music : 1)a musical independence which sets this musical genre a part as belonging to a particular ethnic group which is separate. 2)this musical style is the product of may influences, not just "Africanisms", but a consummation of multiple cultural blends. 3) (the most striking characteristic to me) Black music is constantly perceived to be inferior and degraded by the ruling classes which Wade argues is a continuity of the relationship between black and non-black people.

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  17. Wade begins by stating that “…there is no easily demarcated national black culture, but rather localized, with more or less African influences, practiced by people that are more or less black.” (Wade 126) He argues that creolization has blocked out any completely black culture and thus has created neo-African styles of music in Colombia. He later writes about three themes that make black musics black, the first being that they use musical independence as a symbol of their identity, second, the uses elements from various sources that may be products of cultural syncretism, and third, their music is frequently looked down upon. He thus states that black musics were influenced by many sources and are not dependent on Africanism while giving them a sense of identity.

    Oscar Pena

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  18. Peter Wade states that black Colombian music is not dependent on Africanisms. What makes black Colombian music black is the cultural process that is a result of the combination of genealogy and the interactive process. Wade points out that people often trace Colombian blackness to Europe, which again goes back to Africa. He claims that the race continues to be characterized as “black” because of people’s perceptions of identity. Power relations and patterns of inequality are essential pieces of blackness that Wade discusses. He goes on to explain that non- blacks decide what black culture is, and these elements or practices are often seen as inferior to their non-black culture.
    Wade lists three distinct characteristics of black Colombian music. The first is that black musicians establish musical independence. This symbolizes separateness from non-black music and non-black culture at large. Wade states that black musicians do this by adopting various musical elements of cultural syncretism. While many musical elements in black Colombian music have continuity with African music, it is not dependent on Africanisms. Lastly, non-blacks view black music in Colombia as subordinate and in some cases, vulgar. This proves to be one source of continuity from African music to black music that Wade mentions earlier.
    Wade specifies that there is no national black Colombian culture. Rather, there are smaller localized cultures with ranges of African influence. One example of this is the modern day independent black rhythm and dance genre of Currulao on the Pacific coast. This “slave dance” from 17th century Cartagena incorporates call and response, the marimba (xylophone of African origin), guasas, cununos and bombos (drums).

    Hannah Wurgaft

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  19. Christina Pindar

    Black music is highly affected by the various components and influences derived from Africa. Although black music is far from heterogeneous, there are certain “principles” of West African culture, according to Mintz and Price. Although complex and multi-dimensional, it remains at least partially autonomous and independent, thus standing apart from other cultural influences. At the same time, however, its interaction with the dominant culture affects how it is defined, undergoing the same processes of syncretism that every aspect of culture experiences. Wade cites three themes in particular: musical independence, elements derived from cultural syncretism, and regard as inferior, crude, or licentious. Some of these elements contradict his initial review of black music. Regardless, black music, much like blackness itself, was affected and changed by white influence. This explanation and depiction is contradictory, further highlighting the complication of understanding blackness in the Americas and Caribbean.

    Black music is also largely defined by the continued presence of dance during all occasions. The practice of dance and the beats of this music lend an aspect of “hotness,” bestowing black music with the title of “hot music.” Black music, to a large extent, seems to embody many aspects that European music forbade. Considered sensual and unsophisticated, it attracted the attention of wealthier citizens, whose dances were formulaic and rigid. It even became nationalized, hence losing much of its inherent blackness; this process of nationalization, however, reveals its popularity. Although Wade presents certain features of blackness in Colombian music, he has difficulty definitively depicting its different aspects and features.

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  20. Wade emphasizes that it is difficult to determine the blackness of Columbian music by simply grouping it as a whole. Rather, the segments that constitute that whole must be broken down and placed into context and then we can begin to trace the roots of certain elements back to Africa. Due to the highly Hispanicized nature of black culture in Latin America, many of these elements are simply continuities of previous culture. However, the high level of syncretism present in Columbian black music really support the initial claim that one cannot simply group Columbian music and apply a label. Wade mentioned that the black music in Columbia helped to establish a common identity and independence. He also claims that black music is very much a coming together of several influences like European, African, and Native cultures - thus the syncretism seen in the styles of the region. Finally, black musics share a common characteristic of being judged by whites as an inferior music, much like the relationship between the people themselves (whites and blacks).

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  21. William Ho:

    According to Wade what makes Black Colombian Music Black is the fact that the music is a symbol of their identity and separation from whites, is made from a variety of sources and could be already syncretized, and is seen by outsiders as noisy, yucky, and oversexed.

    He also mentions the pervasiveness of call and response, drumming, hotness, dancing(often times the awesomeization of some crappy european dance no one really likes), and the fact that everyone wants to get in on dat when it comes to anything musical black people make.

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  22. According to Wade, there is no “easily demarcated national black culture, but rather localized cultures, with more or less African influences, practiced by people who are more or less black” (126). There is no clear-cut marker of black culture because black culture is contextually defined. According to Wade, black music has three themes of characteristics. Black music has a musical independence that marks their black identity as unique and separate through the use of elements from variety sources and often times is seen as inferior. Blacks have historically maintained musical independence through imitating the elements of dominant culture and infusing it with African style. For example, blacks adopted the contradanza, a traditional dance that was derived from Scottish country-dance, eliminated the country flavor and established a black style instead. Similarly, blacks adopted the Spanish tradition of fiestas but “made it into something that expressed their own sense of identity, even imputing to it African origins” (131). In this sense, blacks created their own musical forms while incorporating African styles of drumming and call and response patterns.

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  23. Early on, Peter Wade suggests that Colombian culture is possibly rooted in musical forms that once served as political challenges. Much of the so-called “black culture” results from oral communication rather than strict tradition. “Black culture in Colombia…may retain its identity as ‘black culture’…because of where actors think it comes from and what they think it is, conceptions strongly influenced by the identity of those who practice it, and where and how they practice it” (124). Wade claims that the true origins of the cultural aspects are not important, but what the culture has become as a result of the stereotypes that are associated with blacks. As Wade points out, “what blacks do has often been categorized by others (nonblacks) as black culture and seen as inferior” (124). Europeans have seen blacks and their culture as inferior and thus created a stereotype surrounding it. The result is that black music and dance was characterized as “primitive” and “physical, sensuous, erotic, and lascivious” (125).

    The themes that Wade specifically takes away from black Colombian music elaborate on his ideas about much of black culture being a result of others influence. Wade hypothesizes that “blacks establish a musical independence”, which then sets them apart as a group and culture from non-blacks, creating a further divide between races (127). He explains that blacks use elements from many different sources that are not necessarily derived from their own traditions, and they are looked down upon as inferior, which adds to the divide between musical forms of blacks and non-blacks. Ultimately, Wade states that blacks in Colombia adapted their culture to the new one but in doing so added some of their own aspects, in some ways fusing them together.

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  24. Charlotte Beach

    Wade describes three characteristics of black music in Colombia. The first that he talks about is how blacks establish musical independence (127). Those with racist ideologies make the assumption that blacks are “subordinate and dependent” and thus their culture is seen as inferior (124). However, Wade argues that blacks have distinct African culture that they infuse into the European styles learned in the New World. He makes it clear that blacks are separate from their oppressors and this is reflected in their music. Secondly, black music is not just considered that of African descent. Blacks infuse their styles into varies types of music, much of which is already a product of cultural syncretism (127). Therefore, because of the high level of creolization in Latin American music, just because a style doesn’t have African origins doesn’t mean that it is not of black influence. Lastly, many look down upon black music as “crude” or “noisy” (127). Others think that it is too sensual and distasteful. However, “this forms a significant continuity in the relations between blacks and nonblacks” (127). Wade points out specific examples of his blacks have influence Colombian music: responsorial singing, frequent use of the drum, lineup of conical drums, presence of dance in sacred ceremonies, rhythmic structure of music, interaction between soloist and chorus in religious songs, among others (131).

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  25. Dominique Johnson


    In the reading Wade states that, “there is no easily demarcated national black culture, but rather localized, with more or less African influences, practiced by people that are more or less black (Wade 126).” I have a problem with this statement Wade never really defines what it means to be more or less black, to me, in a clear and concise manner. Wade argues that because of creolization, the is a complete lack of a “full” or “pure” black culture, which has lead to the creation of neo-African styles of music in Colombia. In his account, “black” music in Colombia is considered black music because it includes a particular style that displays various African influences in addition to the various European influences. Furthermore, Wade describes three important themes in “black” music in Colombia:
    1. A musical independence, which sets this musical genre apart as belonging to a particular ethnic group, which is separate.
    2. This musical style is the product of many influences, not just “Africanisms”, but a consummation of multiple cultural blends
    3. Black music is constantly perceived to be inferior and degraded by the ruling classes (which in the reading is exemplified in the various accounts of how dances that were typically European, were thus transformed in the African context. For example, “ the movements were copied by the slaves with the ardor of African rhythm, with the freedom conferred by erotic gestures… 128). This is the reinforcement of an “us versus them” binary and Wade argues that this is a link in the relationship between black and non-black people.

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  26. Steven Borukhin

    Wade discusses the blackness in Columbian music obvious but strongly Hispanicized. He specifically says that blackness is represented in Columbian music using three separate themes. The first talks about how black music often tries to create separation or independence among blackness. For example using African derived specific religions or instruments are undoubtedly black music. The second theme discusses how what may be considered black music can be synchronized music as well. For example as mentioned above, Wade talks a lot about how black music has been creolized with Hispanic quite a bit. Lastly, wade says that blackness can be identified in Columbian music through some of the reasons it has been underappreciated or looked down upon. European views on what they perceived was loud, obnoxious music was considered to be inferior and therefore black.

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  27. Chelsea Young

    In his article, Peter Wade refers to three themes that are characteristic of black music in Colombia. His first theme is that the blacks establish a musical independence of some kind which is a symbol of their identity as a black group and of their separateness. The second theme is that they may do this using elements that come from a variety of sources and that they are already a product of cultural syncretism and do not necessarily come from their autochthonous tradition. In other words, what is classified as black music is not dependent on Africanisms, although there are important continuities of style. Finally, the music they create or use is frequently looked down upon as inferior and crude, noisy and licentious, and again this forms a significant continuity in the relations between blacks and nonblacks in which musical forms are embedded (127). Wade also mentions how blacks laid the basis for a series of musical and dance forms such as cumbia, bullerengue, and gaita which remained heavily identified with blacks. In the Atlantic Coast region, the blacks established their own kind of music early on, based in large part on the drum, and this was influenced by white and Indian music to produce a series of syncretic forms. Cumbia is a classic instance of a black-inspired tradition which has been steadily whitened over time, persecuted in the past when practiced independently by blacks, but becoming more and more acceptable as it spreads into the nonblack world, losing both its Africanness and its main association with black people.

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  28. According to Wade, it is very difficult to make sense of all the various cultural influences that contribute to “black” music in Colombia. Wade argues, “there is no easily demarcated national black culture, but rather localized cultures, with more or less African influences, practiced by people who are more or less black”(p.126). Due to the effects of creolization there are only neo-African musical styles in present day Colombia. Wade also emphasizes the need to remember the profound impact of European musical influences. Wade also lists three characteristics of Black music in Columbia. The first theme is “that the blacks establish a musical independence of some kind which is a symbol of their identity as a black group and of their separateness”. The second is that their music already has elements from other cultures and that there is no way around that fact. The third is that “the music they create or use is frequently looked down upon as inferior or crude, noisy and licentious”. The final characteristic emphasizes the connection between blacks and non-blacks in Colombia and their sordid history.

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  30. In his article Wade asserts that Columbian music is directly associated with being black, or with “blackness”. The deciding factor that makes this music black is not dependent on the africanisms in the music itself, instead it is considered black because of its deep rooted history with Africa and the enslaved population which spread their musical talents overseas.
    According to the Columbian population, who classify their music as being “black”, it is largely accepted that the major influence and origin of their music stems from Africa. However, the article clearly states that Columbian music was largely influenced by Indian and European cultures, and is perhaps even most similar to those styles. Thus, today Columbian music should be classified as a fusion of many cultures more than anything. With this in mind is continues to be attributed with being African. I believe this is so because the Columbian people most closely relate their identities, and thus the identity of their music, with being African. As long as these people continue to align themselves with “black” instead of “nonblack” culture they will continue to see Columbian music as, more than anything else, being black.

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  31. Danielle Orchant

    Peter Wade explains that defining Colombian blackness does not mean finding universal Africanisms among the variety of black cultures that exist in Colombia. After all, it is difficult to generalize Africanisms to begin with, given that African culture itself is incredibly complex. Rather, he outlines that we must look at each black culture contextually.
    While different Afro-Colombian communities often express their identity in different ways, however, much cultural continuity exists among those communities insofar as they each had to confront the dominant culture within their area. In this sense, pan-Colombian blackness (as well as Latin American blackness in general) can be seen as a response to the oppression that blacks suffered during and after colonization. Wade also cites the common theme of eroticism as particularly prevalent in Colombian black music. He does, however, take note of the fact that many of these views of African music as being particularly erotic come from a non-black perspective. Wade then goes on to state that the fact that non-blacks even have a perspective of what defines/contributes to black musical forms shows that there are indeed musical forms that are perceived as black.
    In turn, even though different forms of creolization have influenced what blackness means in different Afro-Colombian communities, there is a certain sense of cultural continuity that helps to define blackness as an oppressed peoples’ way of preserving a sense of identity and culture; much of this sense of culture is cultivated by and expressed through music.

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  32. It is constantly argued throughout Wade's article that blackness in such countries as Columbia is not seen as purely coming from Africanism. Blackness is not something that can be traced back to one root. He explains that blackness in such countries as Columbia combines multiple aspects from a various number of different influences. These include European influences and Indian influences. Blacks in such countries as Columbia do not necessarily consider themselves African, they see blackness as a way to bring their community together and define themselves. This can be seen in black music in Columbia. Wade talks about how black music has been syncretized by such European and Indian influences. However, Africanism can still be seen in black music in Columbia. There is evidence of call and response and other aspects that originate from African music. Also, Wade talks about black music in Columbia as being "hot" music. This is mostly due to the dancing the persists in black music in the country. The dancing radiates heat, and this black music in Columbia has gotten the term "hot" music.

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  33. Wade begins by stating "men and women of African descent, both slave and free, influenced the creation of unique LA cultural expressions, especially in art and music." Hence when you ask the question what makes black colombian musics black? There could be a number of answers. As we have talked about a lot Africans influenced many different kinds of music when they left africa and moved to different parts of the world. Music was a part of their lives and when they left their homeland it was something that they could bring with them in order to continue with at least parts of their culture. Wade in fact says that African influence on music in the americas was due to the connection between music and the identity of a population. Wade explains that the music was not a fusion of Africans and Europeans, but that its given a black character by Afro-Colombians.

    Wade says that there is not one ruling "black culture" but that there are many localized cultures. Some have more African influence and some have less. "Black culture is in a constant state of negotiation," explains wade. Wade also talks about how there are three themes that characterize black music in colombia. The first is that blacks establish a musical independence which symbolizes their identity as a black group. Second is that they may do this not always on purpose but that preconceived ideas create the identity. What is classified as black music is not dependent on Africanism. The last theme is that the music they create is looked down upon as inferior and noisy which forms a significant continuity in the relations between blacks and nonblacks in which musical forms are embedded. These are all reasons as to what makes black colombian music black according to Wade.

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  34. Wade considers three aspects of black Colombian music that make it black. First, that blacks use music as a method of self-identity, so their music is thus considered “black”. His second point is that Africans in the new world including Colombia took various aspects of African music (call and response, some of the instruments etc) that had already been segmented and altered through cultural syncretism and brought it back together in a different form. These different African roots for different parts of the music make it black. Wade’s third point is that the music is “frequently looked down upon as inferior and crude, noisy and licentious” (127) which is typically a mentality through down upon black people and African culture in general in much of the world.

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  35. Wade’s account argues that it is difficult label Colombian Music as simply black. There is no “arbitrary system of signs” which characterizes black music. Black music is created by its cultural context in a certain area or culture. Black music in Colombian can change drastically depending on the relationships and independence of the black people and their oppressors within a certain culture. Wade aptly states, “there is no easily demarcated national “black culture”, but rather localized cultures, with more or less African influences, practice by people who are more or less black.” (126), revealing that the black identity in Columbia is far from concise. The “black” label is just a convenient term developed by white oppressors looking to establish their superiority. Black Musics in Columbia is a reflection of the mélange of cultures that are considered “black”. Wade argues that musicians create music new music with by bringing together a collection of different cultural aspects. This music manifests itself within social interactions and end up essentially characterizing racial identity. As with many other cultures we have studied, the Columbian culture is also subject to Blanqueimento. Black Columbian music is “whitened” over time in order to appeal, and be acceptable, to the higher social classes. In Columbian musically especially, the adoption of originally low class black music’s into upper society was prolific due to the “attractive” and “hot” qualities of the music.

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  36. Aggie Kelly
    2/22/11

    In the reading, Wade provides a theory that bases identification of music based not purely on the roots from which it derived, but defines the genre based on the culture that surrounds it. As he discusses, black Columbian music is not black because of the African history that was incorporated to create the modern genre. In fact, European roots are much more prominent in this genre than the qualities associated with African music. Instead, this music is identified as “black” because of the black culture that is reflected by the Columbian people. Thus, Wade argues, the actual Africanisms that appear in the music are not the defining features of the music. With this culturally based definition, the practitioners are using the music as a method of expressing their ever-changing identity.
    As a result, it becomes very difficult to put a label on black music, but Wade describes three themes that he claims are indicative of black music. The first is the idea that black music establishes a separate and unique identity for the black culture and black people compared to the majority population and their culture. The second theme is that the music is constructed from customs that may already be the outcome of previous hybridization and creolization. Finally, black music is always considered inferior by the majority culture, thus providing an addition kind of oppression against blacks. Thus Wade provides a guideline for defining black music without considering the exact roots behind the music itself.

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  37. Brendan McDermott
    Wade points out in his article that black culture in Columbia contains an enormous amount of European influences, maybe even more than its African roots. He emphasizes that black culture is black culuture because that is how it has been defined not necessarily because all of its root are African. Those defined as black were also often stigmatized and distanced from in society further creating the idea and reality of a black culture. Even inside Columbia, Wade argues that black culture is different from village to village as is the strength of African ties. Much of the black music is related to African religions though much of it could be best described as Euro-African hybrid. Wade identifies three themes of black music in Columbia. The first is that blacks establish a musical independence that sets them apart as a group. Secondly, this resulting black music is the result of cultural syncretism and not only African traditions. Lastly this music is looked down upon by non-black society though they often end up using some of it. He points to the slave dance curralao and the West-African derived marimba as specific African elements found in Columbia. The majority of music and dances are full of European and Indian influences though blacks often laid the groundwork and created them. Features that provide evidence of African influence include rhythmic structure, dances in their ceremonies, and call and response. Overall this article points out the black culture is more than just a product of Africa but rather the result of syncretism, discrimination, and evolution.

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  38. Wade defines blackness in black Columbian musics not by the presence of "Africanisms" and elements that can be traced back to their African roots. Rather, he seeks to define blackness by identifying continuities within black culture. He explains that , relating them to their histor and by exploring the content of the practices themselves.
    He notes that there are three primary themes with which he characterizes black music in Columbia. Blacks use their music to represent their group and emphasize that black music is independent and distinct from others. The elements of their music are products of syncretism, rather than elements that are directly from Africa. Fundamentally black features still exist in the music - like call and response, rhythmic patterns and dancing, but these Africanisms are not the central element in this music. Third, the music is viewed as inferior, reflecting the social stratification between Columbian blacks and non-blacks.

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  39. Mackenzie Schleicher
    February 21, 2011
    Blog #5

    What makes black Colombian music black in Wade’s account?

    In Wade’s account, there is a clear division between blacks and their oppressors. Because of this, black music takes on characteristics such as autonomy and independence (Wade 124). The understanding of black Colombian music must be considered in relation to European understandings of Africanness. Wade discusses how these understandings cannot be easily summed up—this makes me believe that black Colombian music is extremely complex in regards to the heterogeneity of its origins (Wade 125). Wade then discusses three main themes that are characteristic of black Colombian music: (1) The blacks establish a musical independence of some kind which is a symbol of their identity as a black group and of their separateness, (2) they may do this using elements that come from a variety of sources and that are already a product of cultural syncretism and do not necessarily come from their own autochthonous tradition, and (3) the music they create or use is frequently looked down upon as inferior and crude, noisy and licentious, and again this forms a significant continuity in the relations between blacks and nonblacks in which musical forms are embedded (Wade 127). These main themes have shaped the way in which black, musical features are present today. For example, there is a presence of dance in sacred ceremonies, there is rhythm included in the musics, and there is a clear interaction between the soloist and the chorus in religious songs (Wade 131). The traditions of dance, rhythm and interaction were brought over by the slaves in Colombia; the traditions were directly from Africa and were also influenced by the Indians and Europeans (Wade 131). Overall, Wade believes “the blacks created their own musical forms and were the main driving force in the creation of the Europ-African hybrids which form the basis of later developments” (Wade 129). For example, blacks introduced dancing and their drums were on sale for anyone to buy. The use of music and the reactions to this music are based on “cultural processes with a long history in Colombia (and elsewhere) which have their own dynamic” (Wade 140). It is important to note that black Colombian musics are black in Wade’s opinion because they are a product of independence, cultural syncretism, and black reactions to oppression by the Europeans. Thus, black Colombian music is characterized in the European through the eyes of the Europeans.

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  40. Calla Hastings

    In his chapter “Black Music and Cultural Syncretism in Columbia” Peter Wade seeks to unpack the notion that “neutral” syncretism is responsible for the entire composition of black culture in Columbia. Instead, according to Wade, the idea of “neutral” syncretism is over simplified and even harmful to a complete understanding of the origins of blackness in aspects of Columbia culture. Wade argues that while, “Black culture in Columbia often has clear European roots, in many cases predominating over traceable African heritage; … it may retain its identity as “black culture”, not because of its origins as revealed in historical analysis, but because of where actors think it comes from and what they think it is, conceptions strongly influenced by the identity of those who practice it.” (p.124) He goes on to claim that “racial identity” is central. So while tracing traditions back to regions of Africa and Europe has its benefits and can illuminate distinctive patterns, what ultimately is key in understanding this syncretized art form are the racial and political contexts in which the actors or musicians are performing their art. The ways in which the performers perceive the dynamic of the world around them comes through in evolution of their music. Thus “…Black culture is contextually defined.” (p.126) Wade highlights Medellin as specific example of this general theme. He points to a history of persecution and complex race relations in the region as large contributors to the development and evolution of black culture region. It is with this argument that Wade makes his emetic analysis and shows that “…where such-and-such cultural elements “really” comes from are subordinated to how such elements are used to convey meaning in a given socially context.” (p.123) Therefore what makes black music black are the beliefs of the people who create and perform it.

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  41. In Wade’s account, Colombian musics are black. He discusses the difference between emic and etic perspectives. Etic perspectives are those that objective and search the history of cultural forms, while emic perspectives are those that “attempt to make sense of culture in its own right” (123). Wade argues that one can see Colombian musics as black if an emic approach is used. One cannot define black music, for black music is constantly interacting, mixing, changing, adapting, and growing. However, despite the fact that black music never reaches this static phase, one can look at certain characteristics that are common for most black music. He does, however, identify three themes as traits of black music in Colombia. It is interesting to note that these three themes do not depend on Africanisms and actually involve a great deal of creolization, syncretism, and transculturation. The first of Wade’s three themes is that blacks in Colombia have created independence in their music. This has led to their distinction as a black group. In addition, it set them outside of being confused with other groups’ types of music, no matter how much syncretism occurred. Secondly, syncretism and creolization played a large role in shaping black music. Black music has mixed with the music of whites as well as Indians. What is especially notable in the process of syncretism is the hierarchical nature attached to it. For example, nonblacks deemed much of the dancing accompanying black music as immoral. Thirdly, black music in Colombia is often looked down upon by other groups, deeming it loud, looking for sex appeal, and not classy enough. Although some whites have noted the true worth of black music, it is important that for almost all of its history in Colombia, black music has dealt with this racism in some way or another, whether explicitly or implicitly. What remains important to keep in mind, however, is that the people of Colombia were originally classified as black but outsiders. Thus, it was an external, not an internal naming.

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  42. In his article about black music in Columbia, Wade focuses on the idea of identity and how black identity shapes and defines black music. Wade discusses three themes of black music in Columbia: musical independence that separates black music from other types of music; music that is the result of syncretism and draws from (but does not rely on) African-derived rhythms; and music that has been historically deemed inferior by those higher on the racial/social hierarchy (127). He discusses how these elements are shaped by “historically persistent patterns of inequality” and historical ties to Africa that have greatly impacted black culture in Columbia (124-125). In this way, black music is shaped by black culture and identity, while at the same time serves to reinforce black culture and identity.

    In addition, it is important to note that Wade emphasizes the fact that black culture in Columbia is not a homogenous, easily-defined entity. As he states, there are local differences and “at its boundaries black culture is in a constant state of negotiation” (126). Because black music is such an integral part of black culture, these same characteristics apply to black music. While acknowledging the local and contextual differences found in black music, Wade focuses on the similarities and shared themes present in most black music in Columbia.

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  43. Wade wonderfully articulates the necessity to study culture, especially the “syncretism” of black music in Latin America, with both an emic and an etic mentality. However, he suggests that Colombia specifically requires emic analysis, or “making sense of culture in its own right”(123). Regardless of origin and formation, cultural practices should be studied and valued by their way of being perceived socially in their specific and current context—how is black music conceived by both black and non-black Colombians? Although emic study invokes the local, or a series of regionally specific interactions among the “races”, black culture overall in Latin America falls within the lines of “historically persistent patterns of inequality”(124).
    From this standpoint, Wade defines three characteristics of black music in Colombia: its use to establish musical independence that symbolizes separateness as a black group, the combination of elements of various origins to achieve this separateness, and how this black identity and art are perceived as inferior but also enchanting by the non-black majority.
    The first element is exemplified by the push of costeño music on the Caribbean coast: the public sale of drums, the public taverns, and general effort to “introduce dancing” (129), all suggesting a conscious effort to define and spread “black” music. In the department of Cauca, the Adoration of the Child, is said to be celebrated via “fiestas de negros”. Separation is key. As for the second element, the music in this festival in particular derives from the fuga of European origin, but is embellished with a call and response pattern unique to African origin. They also use the copla of old Spanish ballad forms, and now “the black population represents the most important exponent of traditional Spanish music and oral poetic forms”(132). The influences are mixed, but the combination forms a broadly recognized identity of “black.”

    The third pillar is most obviously exemplified by the persecution of black music, but Wade remarks that non-black attitude towards black music “was not so simple”(133). The music in question was referred to as noise or “lloro,” “savage and rowdy,” and its dances earned it the reputation of “immoral” or “lascivious,” but “todo el mundo quiso contemplar la escena”, non-blacks included. Even black musicians when playing strictly European music would add “an accent, a vitality”—a feeling that stems simply from its own self-awareness as black. Therefore, it was exactly this “unwritten something” that appealed to non-black Colombians who were not quite European themselves, which results in a classic case of nationalization.

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  44. Wade makes the argument that black Columbia musics are black not because of Africanism, but because music is a product of black history. In order to understand why blackness in Columbia can be described with black history one must examine both the ethnic interactive processes and the genealogy of cultural elements (Wade p138). When analyzing blackness Wade encourages scholars not to “discover an objective genealogy of black Columbian culture, instead one should observe how such cultural elements play out in everyday Columbian life, and make sense how such elements are conveyed in social contexts. (p123)
    Black history is a combination of many influences, because history is a combination of the envrironments around it. The influences for a specific black history include many different types of black cultures, European culture, and the New world (Columbian) that these influences come in contact with after creolization. Wade states that these influences on black culture may make black history not black at all, but European history or Columbian history, but just seen in the view of black culture. Although, black Columbian’s music reflect many cultural aspects and elements it is obvious that what is black in Columbian music is ever changing and evolving.

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  45. Aleph Cervo

    Wade argues that "blackness," or black continuities, derives both from black traditions and also from the political and social interaction between blacks and nonblacks. Wade writes that black culture "is defined in the processes of interaction between people making claims and ascriptions of 'racial' identity." He notes also that the musical spectrum of Columbia is a cultural continuum, in which European, Indigenous, and African styles are present in different degrees in different musical or social contexts. Wade lists a variety of examples of musics found throughout Columbia that are characterized as black, listing first a pure form found in the Pacific Coast called currulao, and then listing more syncretized forms near the Atlantic. Referencing other authors and papers who have described the traditional blackness of such dances as mapale, cumbia, and bullerengue, Wade notes that "the blacks laid the basis for a series of musical dance forms...which remained heavily identified with blacks" even after creolization (p. 131). Wade also describes how both prejudice and white interest in black musics diluted the original blackness into a syncretized product. This phenomenon has to do with the racial hierarchy of blacks and whites, and the blanqueamiento of black cultural forms. Often black musical forms have been "persecuted in the past when practiced independently by blacks, but [become] more and more acceptable in the nonblack world, losing both its Africanness and its main association with black people, and yet retaining its 'hot' quality" (p. 135). In certain contexts, blacks were able to establish independent musical forms; although these underwent transformations, they all had a specific style derived from African origins (p. 136).

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  46. They key message of this article is that being titled ‘black music’ or parts of the ‘black culture’ do not necessarily reflect Africanism. Although many types of music are identified as black, many of these music forms are a process of creolization with other European and New World cultures. It is important to step black and view this subject in its own social, political, and historical context. Black music helps create independence for black people in Colombia, along with other places in the New World. This music of Colombia isn’t exactly African but rather considered ‘black music’ as a result of social, political, and historical contexts that have cause certain people identify themselves with black. Many of these genres have more non-African influence then they do African. Therefore what makes black Columbian music black in Wade’s account is that it creates independence for these African people in the culture, it is heavily syncrenized, and influenced by social oppression.

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